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Policy and Advocacy
August 2010
Thursday August 19, 2010
Posted by: suvas chandra devkota at 5:25AM EST on August 19, 2010
Suvas Devkota and
Sandesh Silpakar Asia Dialogue on Community Forests and Property
Rights in the Context of Climate Change was successfully carried out on
August 11-12, 2010 in, Kathmandu, Nepal. More than 70 participant's
representatives from 10 countries of ASIA including Nepal were participated and
contributed to the discourse. Numbers of issues related on community forests,
property rights and cldimate change were discussed during the dialogue. The
whole dialogue process was confined Reducing Emission from Deforestation and
Degradation-REDD and totally excluded
adoption role of community forests in the climate change context. It
is known that rights of the community / Forest dependent community and
Indigenous People (IP) through community forestry are advancing throughout the
region in some extend. These countries have developed policies and legislations
in place for advancing community forestry.
Although the progress made is not to the desired extent but community
forestry area is increasing, ownership right of communities is increasing and
government is slowly and gradually trying to realize that if forest resource
has to be restored and deforestation has to be reversed, then there is no other
way than empowering the local community and handing over the responsibility to
local community to govern the forest resources. Lessons
could be learnt from Australia, China, and Vietnam and to some extent Nepal on
how tenure reform is directly related to forest degradations conditions. An
example of Phillippines points that more the community based forest management,
lesser is the degradation. However, more studies need to be done in this
aspect. The
key minimum reform that should be done is to clarify a balanced role,
responsibility and authority among the state, civil society and community.
Tenure reform is not adequate, there should be tenure transformation. The
transformation of tenure meaning the shift, the handover of ownership rights
from state to community, so that the tenure rights to intervene to the
resources are secure. Drivers of
deforestation:
Some are related to forest, others are related to agriculture and there are
many important driving forces that are related to political governance system
particularly corruption, illegal logging, unclear tenure and colonial history
meaning still the control and command system. Important questions on discussion: What does REDD offer
more than what we have now? What actually we lose if we adapt REDD? What we
gain out of REDD plus or what we lose if we adopt it? If
REDD++ readiness mechanism is done unilaterally by state without equal
partnership with CSO and communities, then it is likely that REDD plus will
fail before it goes for the compliance stage. If
that does not happen then people will see REDD as a new form of
colonialization, recentralization and another form of failure of state and
market. Therefore participation of CSO and community as equal partners not just
as token of partnership should be there. Alternative
definition of REDD means rights over resources, equity, devolution of power,
democracy and development. REDD should follow governance and equity. The
compliance of just 1% of the total promise of $100 billion does not guarantee
the implementation of REDD that goes in favor of communities. Psychology of
Market saying that the rate of carbon credit might go by half. Therefore who
benefits, who buys the carbon; that loses, the communities. One common
voice is needed. During this time of readiness, we should
not worry just about financial mechanisms but we should also make sure
that the information mechanism and the other institutional mechanism are in
place and we learn ourselves at national and sub national level by doing some
innovative project. Conclusion: Is carbon just added
value or there will be more conditions that will be imposed upon the
communities? If the conditions are not acceptable and if the condition
restricts the current access to forest for livelihood, then carbon would not be
an added value, carbon would in turn restrict the users to access forest.
Therefore, it should be very clear on this whether an added value is or
not. From our experience from Asia, can we say that community forest be
considered as important vehicle for REDD. If it is not, if people see different
alternatives than CF, then there is very little prospect for REDD.
Only by securing community/IPs rights that forest would be managed wisely. State has to play an enabling role and communities will prove to be better managers of forests. REDD has both opportunities and challenges. fear that REDD will bring recentralization, fear that money will drive the policy rather policy driving the money, fear that the community rights and the human rights get compromised. Friday August 13, 2010
Posted by: Anne Bernier at 7:23PM EST on August 13, 2010
This blog was originally written by Anne Bernier, a former CARE Face-to-Face Recruiter in the DC area, and Eva Baker. Both are students at the College of William and Mary and wrote this blog while working at AidData. The original post is here.
![]() As Research Assistants for AidData, we wondered how Morocco’s donors would react to the domestic changes. As Nick Kristof has written, aid to women can have dramatic development effects.Did gender-related aid increase after 2004, perhaps to complement the reforms or as a “reward”? Or, did progress in the domestic legal code cause donors to shift aid away from women’s projects into other areas? For a quick comparison we keyword searched Morocco’s aid for the terms “gender,” “women,” “female,” and “girls” to flag projects with a significant women’s component in addition to those with women as the priority purpose. While the method isn’t perfect, as a first cut, we established a replicable and reliable sample of projects that would allow us to establish variation in allocation over time. From the data we learned that despite a net increase in total aid to Morocco from 1999-2008, gender- related projects received around 1% of total aid both before and after the 2004 reforms. So, while gender- related aid did increase from $10,698,525 in 1999 to $16,307,016 in 2008 (and the number of projects went from 12 to 71 per year), we don’t see a dramatic change in allocation priorities by Morocco’s donors in either direction. This surprised us—donors had been clamoring for these reforms for years; but when they were passed we observe no obvious response on the part of these donors. This outcome is dissimilar to that noted by Chris Marcoux in the environmental issue area where change in aid is related to change in the domestic institutions of the recipient country. But while there has been no major shift toward gender-related aid relative to other sectors in Morocco’s aid portfolio, perhaps donors became more targeted in the gender aid they were giving by focusing more directly on women’s rights, rather than traditional development activities thought to benefit women disproportionately. Thus, in our continuing quest to find a donor “response” to the reforms, we instead looked at the composition of projects within gender-related aid: Here we see some big changes. First, education and employment and, to a lesser extent, business/industry/agriculture decreased dramatically from a combined 67% to only 15%. Government policy and capacity (all sectors) as well as social projects stayed about the same, though we were interested to find a few projects responding directly to the reforms, such as this American project and this Spanish project. The real story lies in aid to women’s empowerment groups, civil society organizations, and gender-related rural development. From 2005-2008, projects in these sectors accounted for $70,873,272 of the total $108,723,601 in gender related aid, with Spain and the International Fund for Agricultural Development as the largest donors. This shift from education and business to civil society projects is similar to the United Nations Development Fund for Women’s strategy. UNIFEM proposes to politically empower women by increasing political representation and mobilization and improving domestic legislation and its implementation. Domestic and international efforts in Morocco could also be viewed within the larger movement to raise women’s status as a critical component of economic development, as noted by Isobel Coleman in Foreign Affairs. But these descriptive statistics say little about the actual results for women in Morocco. Other countries and women’s rights groups lauded Morocco for its reforms, but despite instances of progress, change has been slow. In particular, many women’s NGOs despair spotty implementation by conservative judges and the national government. To track the reforms’ results, we used Womanstats to look up the UNDP’s Gender-related Development Index (GDI), which uses literacy, school enrollment, life expectancy, and income levels to calculate the social and economic disparity between men and women. A high GDI shows a higher level of achievement for both men and women and higher gender equality. Since 2003, Morocco’s GDI has risen steadily, although its rank has bounced around from 100, to 95, to 111. So while the achievement levels of Moroccan women have increased since the Moudawana reforms, Morocco has stayed roughly in the same place relative to the rest of the countries in the world. Although we found that donors reacted to the reforms in 2004, it was in a more nuanced way than we expected, given their sweeping changes. Whether that was appropriate will have to be debated elsewhere. |